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2017年12月12日 23:43:11    日报  参与评论()人

宜春妇幼保健医院嘴唇修薄鼻翼修薄厚唇修薄哪家便宜价格丰城治疗祛斑价格12:58分奥巴马进入对话现场。[杨玉良]让我们大家用热烈的掌声欢迎美国总统奥巴马先生。Please give a warm applause to welcome President Barack Obama.各位来宾、各位朋友,同学们,请让我自我介绍一下,我是杨玉良,复旦大学的校长。Distinguished guests, friends, ladies and gentlemen,今天请来美利坚合众国总统奥巴马先生,他在对中国进行国事访问的同时,然后来到这里,而且我非常高兴作为主持人在这里主持这场对话。因为奥巴马总统非常重视中美两国人民之间的沟通和交流,尤其是重视我们年轻人之间的沟通和交流。Today, we are privileged to have invited Mr. Barack Obama, President of the ed States of America. He is paying a state visit to China. And he is here today and I am pleased to moderate this dialouge because President Obama attaches great importance to exchanges between the two peoples, especially exchanges between young people of our two countries.所以今天我们将用一种非常轻松、自由的方式,而且我相信也将会是愉快的方式,奥巴马总统将和大家一起讨论中美关系问题,包括这个世界未来的问题,包括我们人类所面临的所有的可能的全球性的挑战性问题。So today, we will use a very free and pleasant way to have this dialouge with President Obama. And we will discuss China-US relations, the future of this world, all possible global challenges facing mankind.今天在现场的所有的同事们,包括同学们,都可以现场提问题。但同时我们也会选择问题,从网络上选择一些问题,选择由网民向奥巴马提问的问题。用英文来提问题,也可以用英文回答。Today our colleagues and students can raise questions. and at the same time, wo have a student panel. So ladies and gentlemen, you can use English or Chinese to anser questions or ask questions.如果你觉得你的英文还不足够表达你深邃的思想的话,你可以用中文来提问和中文来回答问题。我想在正式开始之前,我们美利坚合众国的驻华大使洪培先生有几句话要讲。If you think your English is not good enough, you can use Chinese to ask questions or answer questions, whatever. Before we start officially, we will ask Ambassador Huntsman to say a few words.11/89730宜春韩美医院-整形美容中心怎么样 21世纪·希望之星全国英语演讲比赛 第七名 美国经典英文演讲100篇总统演讲布莱尔首相演讲美国总统布什演讲快报 200808/46118REMARKS OF PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMAPROMOTING THE RECOVERY PLAN WITH SECRETARY CHUDepartment of EnergyFebruary 5, Thank you, Secretary Chu, for bringing your experience and expertise to this new role. And thank you all so much for your service each and every day here at the Department. Your mission is so important and will only grow as we seek to transform the ways we produce and use energy for the sake of our environment, our security – and our economy.As we are meeting, in the halls of Congress just down the street from here, there’s a debate going on about the plan I’ve proposed, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan.This isn’t some abstract debate. Last week, we learned that many of America’s largest corporations are planning to layoff tens off tens of thousands of workers. Today we learned that last week, the number of new unemployment claims jumped to 626,000. And tomorrow, we’re expecting another dismal jobs report on top of the 2.6 million jobs we lost last year. Now, I believe that legislation of such magnitude deserves the scrutiny that’s it received over the last month. But these numbers that we’re seeing are sending an unmistakable message – and so are the American people. The time for talk is over. The time for action is now. Because we know that if we don’t act, a bad situation will become dramatically worse. Crisis could turn into catastrophe for families and businesses across our country. I refuse to let that happen. We can’t delay and we can’t go back to the same worn ideas that led us here in the first place. In the last few days, we’ve seen proposals arise from some in Congress that you may not have , but would be very familiar to you. They’re rooted in the idea that tax cuts alone can solve our problems. That half-measures and tinkering are somehow enough. That we can afford to ignore our most fundamental economic challenges – the crushing cost of health care, the inadequate state of so many schools, and our dangerous dependence on foreign oil. Let me be perfectly clear: those ideas have been tested, and they have failed. They have taken us from surpluses to an annual deficit of over a trillion dollars, and they have brought our economy to a halt. And that’s precisely what the election we just had was all about. The American people have rendered their judgment. Now is the time to move forward, not back. Now is the time for action. Just as past generations of Americans have done in trying times, we can and must turn this moment of challenge into one of opportunity. The plan I’ve proposed has at its core a simple idea: let’s put Americans to work doing the work that America needs done. This plan will save or create over three million jobs – almost all of them in the private sector. This plan will put people to work rebuilding our crumbling roads and bridges; our dangerous deficient dams and levees. This plan will put people to work modernizing our health care system, not only saving us billions of dollars, but countless lives. This plan will put people to work renovating more than 10,000 schools, giving millions of children the chance to learn in 21st century classrooms, libraries, and labs – and to all the scientists in the room today, you know what that means for America’s future. This plan will provide sensible tax relief for the struggling middle-class, unemployment insurance and continued health care coverage for those who’ve lost their jobs, and it will help prevent our states and local communities from laying off firefighters, teachers, and police.Finally, this plan will begin to end the tyranny of oil in our time. After decades of dragging our feet, this plan will finally spark the creation of a clean energy industry that will create hundreds of thousands of jobs over the next few years, manufacturing wind turbines and solar cells for example, and millions more after that. These jobs and these investments will double our capacity to generate renewable energy over the next few years.We’ll fund a better, smarter electricity grid and train workers to build it – a grid that will help us ship wind and solar power from one end of this country to another. Think about it. The grid that powers the tools of modern life – computers, appliances, even blackberries - looks largely the same as it did half a century ago. Just these first steps toward modernizing the way we distribute electricity could reduce consumption by 2 to 4 percent. We’ll also lead a revolution in energy efficiency, modernizing more than 75 percent of federal buildings and improving the efficiency of more than 2 million American homes. This will not only create jobs, it will cut the federal energy bill by a third and save taxpayers billion each year and save Americans billions of dollars more on their utility bills. In fact, as part of this effort, today I've signed a presidential memorandum requesting that the Department of Energy set new efficiency standards for common household appliances. This will save consumers money. This will spur innovation. And this will conserve tremendous amounts energy. We’ll save through these simple steps over the next thirty years the amount of energy produced over a two-year period by all the coal-fired power plants in America. And through investments in our mass transit systems to boost capacity, in our roads to reduce congestion, and in technologies that will accelerate the development of innovations like plug-in hybrid vehicles, we’ll be making a significant down payment on a cleaner and more independent energy future. Now, I the other day that the critics of this plan ridiculed our notion that we should use part of the money to modernize the entire fleet of federal vehicles to take advantage of state of the art fuel-efficiency. They call it pork. You know the truth. It will not only save the government significant money over time, it will not only create jobs manufacturing those vehicles, it will set a standard for private industry to match. And so when you hear these attacks deriding something of such obvious importance as this, you have to ask yourself – is it any wonder we haven’t had a real energy policy in this country? For the last few years, I’ve talked about these issues with Americans from one end of this country to another. Washington may not be y to get serious about energy independence, but I am. And so are you. And so are the American people. Inaction is not an option that is acceptable to me and it’s certainly not acceptable to the American people – not on energy, not on the economy, and not at this critical moment. So I call on the members of Congress – Democrats and Republicans – to rise to this moment. No plan is perfect, and there have been constructive changes made to this one over the last month. There may be more today. But the scale and scope of this plan is right. It’s what America needs right now, and we need to move forward today. I thank you all for being here, and I’m eager to work with Secretary Chu and all of you as we stand up to meet the challenges of this new century. Thank you very much.02/61864宜春韩美整形美容医院做丰胸手术好吗

宜春市中医院光子嫩肤手术多少钱It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States.它在这里、在我国的首都对我们说话。它通过48个主权州的管理过程对我们说话。It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages.它在我国的农村、城市、乡镇、村庄对我们说话。It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free.它从西半球的其他国家、从大洋彼岸的国家——无论是被奴役的国家还是自由的国家对我们说话。Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.有时候我们听不见,或者不注意这些表达自由的声音,因为对我们来说,自由的特权已是老掉牙的故事 。The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 17891789年,我国策—位总统在他的首任就职演说中作过预言,words almost directed,it would seem, to this year of 1941: ;他的话宣布了美国的命运--这些话似乎完全是针对今年1941年说的:“The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次地把维护神圣的自由之火deeply,finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.和共和制政府的命运系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。If you and I, if we in this later day, loose that sacred fire, if we let it be smothered with doubts and theory,如果你和我,释放了圣火,如果我们被怀疑所环绕,then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish.那么,我们就会抛弃华盛顿经过如此英勇和成功的斗争而确定起来的命运。The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will,为了维护美国的精神和信念,furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.我们现在和将来都完全有理由在国防事业中作出任何牺牲。In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.我们面临着前所未有的严峻的险恶形势,我们的坚定决心是捍卫和维护民主的完整。For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.为此,我们要振作起美国的精神和美国的信心。We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.我们不会后退。我们不会满足于原地踏步。作为美国入,我们要遵奉上帝的意志为国效力和走向前方。02/439552宜春韩美医院脱毛 Dwight D. Eisenhower: Farewell Address [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Good evening, my fellow Americans.First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or iness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only. A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, y for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.Until the latest of our world conflicts, the ed States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all ed States cooperations -- corporations.Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite. It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society. Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certaint agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.200606/7538宜春市人民医院激光脱毛多少钱

宜春脱毛团购HKpXD0sk6F~6cVSlE!m3a_m+Nw^WsNCbWe want a President who will defend human rights, not just where it is convenient, but wherever freedom is at risk -- from Chile to Afghanistan, from Poland to South Africa. To those who have watched this administrations confusion in the Middle East, as it has tilted first toward one and then another of Israels long-time enemies and wonder: ;Will America stand by her friends and sister democracy?; we say: America knows who her friends are in the Middle East and around the world. America will stand with Israel always.Finally, we want a President who will keep America strong, but use that strength to keep America and the world at peace. A nuclear freeze is not a slogan: It is a tool for survival in the nuclear age. If we leave our children nothing else, let us leave them this Earth as we found it: whole and green and full of life.vM-Wq7gGDQfrvY~gE]eoyBHPp_WrH!1D!IoLlZ-bMAA!201201/168594 President Obama announces that the Department of Veterans Affairs, led by Secretary Shinseki, will begin making it easier for veterans with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder to receive the benefits and treatment they need.Download mp4 (126MB) | mp3 (4MB) 201007/108702宜春上睑下垂哪家医院好宜春哪里有专业去痣的地方

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